Alice Stokes Paul (January 11, 1885 – July 9, 1977) was an American Quaker, suffragette, suffragist, feminist, and women's rights activist, and one of the foremost leaders and strategists of the campaign for the Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which prohibits sex discrimination in the right to vote. Paul initiated, and along with Lucy Burns and others, strategized events such as the Woman Suffrage Procession and the Silent Sentinels, which were part of the successful campaign that resulted in the amendment's passage in August 1920.Baker, Jean H., " Placards At The White House," American Heritage, Winter 2010, Volume 59, Issue 4.
Paul often suffered police brutality and other physical abuse for her activism, always responding with nonviolence and courage. She was jailed under terrible conditions in 1917 for participating in a Silent Sentinels protest in front of the White House, as she had been several times during earlier efforts to secure the vote for women in the United Kingdom.
After 1920, Paul spent a half-century as leader of the National Woman's Party, which fought for the Equal Rights Amendment, written by Paul and Crystal Eastman, to secure constitutional equality for women. She won a major permanent success with the inclusion of women as a group protected against discrimination by the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
Paul attended Moorestown Friends School, where she graduated at the top of her class. In 1901, she entered Swarthmore College, which had been co-founded in 1864 by her grandfather and other Hicksite Friends. While at Swarthmore, Paul served on the executive board of Student Government, an experience which may have sparked her excitement for political activism. She graduated from Swarthmore with a bachelor's degree in biology in 1905.
After graduation, partly to avoid going into teaching, Paul pursued a fellowship year in New York City, living on the Lower East Side at the Rivington Street Settlement House. Working in the settlement movement reinforced her determination to right perceived injustices in America, but Paul soon realized that social work was not the way she was to achieve this goal: "I knew in a very short time I was never going to be a social worker, because I could see that social workers were not doing much good in the world... you couldn't change the situation by social work."Alice Paul in oral history compiled by Amelia Fry, Online Archive of California, quoted in .
In 1907, after completing coursework in political science, sociology, and economics, Paul earned a Master of Arts degree from the University of Pennsylvania.
After the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, Paul enrolled at two law schools, taking day and evening classes to finish more quickly. In 1922, Paul received her LL.B degree from the Washington College of Law at American University. In 1927, she earned a master of laws degree, and in 1928, a doctorate in civil law from American University.
While in London, Paul also met Lucy Burns, a fellow American activist, while arrested in a British police station, who would become an essential ally for the duration of the suffrage fight, first in England, then in the United States. The two women impressed prominent WSPU members and began organizing events and campaign offices. When Emmeline Pankhurst attempted to spread the movement to Scotland, Paul and Burns accompanied her as assistants.
Paul gained the trust of fellow WSPU members through her talent with visual rhetoric and her willingness to put herself in physical danger to increase the visibility of the suffrage movement. While at the WSPU's headquarters in Edinburgh, Paul and local suffragettes made plans to protest a speech by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sir Edward Grey. For a week prior, they spoke with people on the streets to promote knowledge about why they were protesting against the Cabinet member. After Grey discussed proposed legislation he claimed would lead to prosperity at the meeting, Paul stood up and exclaimed: "Well, these are very wonderful ideals, but couldn't you extend them to women?" Police responded by dragging her out of the meeting and through the streets to the police station, where she was arrested. As planned, this act was viewed by many as a public silencing of legitimate protest and increased press coverage and public sympathy.
Later events involved even more risk of bodily harm. Before a political meeting at St. Andrew's Hall in Glasgow in August 1909, Paul camped out on the hall's roof so that she could address the crowd below. When police forced her to descend, crowds cheered her effort. Later, when Paul, Burns, and fellow suffragettes attempted to enter the event, they were beaten by police as sympathetic bystanders attempted to protect them. After Paul and her fellow protesters were taken into custody, crowds gathered outside the police station demanding the women's release.
On November 9, 1909, in honor of Lord Mayor's Day, the Lord Mayor of London hosted a banquet for cabinet ministers in the city's Guild Hall. Paul planned the WSPU's response; she and Amelia Brown disguised themselves as cleaning women and entered the building with the normal staff at 9:00 am. Once in the building, the women hid until the event started that evening. Then they came out of hiding and "took their stand". When Prime Minister H. H. Asquith stood to speak, Brown threw her shoe through a pane of stained glass, and both women yelled, "Votes for women!" Following this event, both women were arrested and sentenced to one-month hard labor after refusing to pay fines and damages for the window damage. She was imprisoned at Holloway Prison in London.PBS America: The Vote (1:2)
Another popular civil disobedience tactic used by the suffragists was hunger striking. The first WSPU-related hunger strike was conducted by sculptor Marion Wallace Dunlop in June 1909. By that fall, it was being widely used by WSPU members because of its effectiveness in publicizing their mistreatment and gaining quick release from prison wardens. Refusing food worked in securing an early release for Paul during her first two arrests. However, during her third prison stint, the warden ordered twice daily force-feeding to keep Paul strong enough to finish her month-long sentence.
Though the prisons staunchly maintained that the force-feeding of prisoners was for their own benefit, Paul and other women described the process as torturous. Paul had developed severe gastritis at the end of her month in prison. She was carried out of prison and immediately tended to by a doctor. However, after this event, her health was permanently scarred; she often developed colds and flu, which would sometimes require hospitalization.
Paul had been given a Hunger Strike Medal 'for Valour' by WSPU.
Paul reenrolled at the University of Pennsylvania, pursuing her Ph.D. while speaking about her experiences in the British suffrage movement to Quaker audiences and starting to work towards United States suffrage on the local level. After completing her dissertation, a comprehensive overview of the history of the legal status of United States women, she began participating in National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) rallies, and in April 1910, was asked to speak at NAWSA's annual convention. After this significant opportunity, Paul and Burns proposed to NAWSA leadership a campaign to gain a federal amendment guaranteeing the vote for women. This was wholly contrary to NAWSA's state-by-state strategy. Paul and Burns were laughed at by NAWSA leadership; the only exception was Jane Addams, who suggested that the women tone down their plan. As a response, Paul asked to be placed on the organization's Congressional Committee.
On the event day, the procession proceeded along Paul's desired route. The event, which was led by notable labor lawyer Inez Milholland dressed in white and riding a horse, was described by the New York Times as "one of the most impressively beautiful spectacles ever staged in this country". Multiple bands, banners, squadrons, chariots, and floats were also displayed in the parade representing all women's lives. One of the most notable sights was the lead banner in the parade which declared, "We Demand an Amendment to the United States Constitution Enfranchising the Women of the Country." Some participating groups and leaders, however, wanted black and white women's organizations and state delegations to be segregated; after much discussion, NAWSA decided black women could march where they wished. Still, Ida B. Wells was asked not to march with the Illinois delegation; ultimately, she joined the Chicago group and continued the march with the state delegation.
Over half a million people came to view the parade. With insufficient police protection, the situation soon devolved into a near-riot, with onlookers pressing so close to the women that they could not proceed. Police largely did nothing to protect the women from rioters. A senator who participated in the march later testified that he personally took the badge numbers of 22 officers who had stood idle, including two sergeants. Eventually, members of the Massachusetts and Pennsylvania National Guard intervened, and students from the Maryland Agricultural College provided a human barrier to help the women pass. Some accounts even describe Boy Scouts as stepping in and providing first aid to the injured. The incident mobilized public dialogue about the police response to the women's demonstration, producing greater awareness and sympathy for NAWSA.
After the parade, the NAWSA's next focus was lobbying for a constitutional amendment to secure the right to vote for women. Such an amendment had been initially sought by suffragists Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton who, as leaders of the NWSA, fought for a federal amendment to the constitution securing women's suffrage until the 1890 formation of NAWSA, which campaigned for the vote on a state-by-state basis.
The NWP began introducing some of the methods used by the suffrage movement in Britain such as silent sentinels and focused entirely on achieving a constitutional amendment for woman suffrage. Alva Belmont, a multi-millionaire socialite at the time, was the largest donor to Paul's efforts. The NWP was accompanied by press coverage and the publication of the weekly newspaper, The Suffragist.
After the United States entered World War I in April 1917, many people viewed the picketing Silent Sentinels as disloyal. Paul made sure the picketing would continue. In June 1917, picketers were arrested for "obstructing traffic". Over the next six months, many, including Paul, were convicted and incarcerated at the Occoquan Workhouse in Virginia (which later became the Lorton Correctional Complex) and the District of Columbia Jail.
When the public heard the news of the first arrests, some were surprised that leading suffragists and very well-connected women were going to prison for peacefully protesting. President Wilson received bad publicity from this event and was livid with the position he was forced into. He quickly pardoned the first women arrested on July 19, two days after they had been sentenced, but reporting on the arrests and abuses continued. For example, the Boston Journal stated, "The little band representing the NWP has been abused and bruised by government clerks, soldiers, and sailors until its efforts to attract the President's attention has sunk into the conscience of the whole nation."
Suffragists continued picketing outside the White House after the Wilson pardon and throughout World War I. Their banners contained such slogans as "Mr. President, How Long Must Women Wait For Liberty?" and "We Shall Fight for the Things Which We Have Always Held Nearest Our Hearts—For Democracy, For The Right of Those Who Submit To Authority To Have A Voice in Their Own Governments." The capitalization of each word emphasized the gravity of the situation. With the hope of embarrassing Wilson, some of the banners quoted Wilson's own words against him. Wilson ignored these women, but his daughter Margaret waved in acknowledgment, a major victory for the protesters. Although the suffragists protested peacefully, their protests were sometimes violently opposed. While protesting, young men would harass and beat the women, with the police never intervening on behalf of the protesters. Police would even arrest other men who tried to help the women who were getting beaten. Even though they protested during wartime, they maintained public support by agitating peacefully. More protesters were arrested and sent to Occoquan or the District Jail throughout this time. Pardons were no longer given.
Whether sent to Occoquan or the District Jail, the women were given no special treatment as political prisoners. They had to live in harsh conditions with poor sanitation, infested food, and dreadful facilities. In protest of the conditions at the District Jail, Paul began a hunger strike. "Miss Alice Paul on Hunger Strike", The New York Times, November 7, 1917. Accessed June 25, 2012. This led to her being moved to the prison's psychiatric ward and being Force-feeding raw eggs through a feeding tube. "Seems almost unthinkable now, doesn't it?" Paul told an interviewer from American Heritage when asked about forced feeding, "It was shocking that a government of men could look with such extreme contempt on a movement that was asking nothing except such a simple little thing as the right to vote."Gallagher, Robert S., " I Was Arrested, Of Course...", American Heritage, February 1974, Volume 25, Issue 2. Interview of Alice Paul.
On November 14, 1917, the suffragists who were imprisoned at Occoquan endured brutality allegedly endorsed by prison authorities which became known as the "Night of Terror". The National Woman's Party (NWP) went to court to protest the treatment of the women such as Lucy Burns, Dora Lewis, and Alice Cosu, her cellmate in Occoquan Prison, who suffered a heart attack at seeing Dora's condition. The women were later moved to the District Jail where Paul languished. Despite the brutality that she experienced and witnessed, Paul remained undaunted. On November 27 and 28, all the suffragists were released from prison. Within two months, Wilson announced a bill on women's right to vote.
Not everyone agreed about next steps or the ERA; from the start, the amendment had its critics. While Paul's activism in the years after suffrage centered on securing legal protections for women's equality in the U.S. and abroad, other activists and some members of the NWP focused on a wide range of issues from birth control and air conditioning to educating newly enfranchised women voters. Some of Paul's earlier allies in suffrage found the ERA troubling, especially since they believed it would erode protective legislation—laws about working conditions or maximum hours that protected women in the workplace. If the ERA guaranteed equality, opponents argued, protective legislation for women would be null and void. The rival League of Women Voters (LWV), which championed workplace legislation for women, opposed the Equal Rights Amendment. Paul and her cohorts, including a small group from the NWP, thought that sex-based workplace legislation restricted women's ability to compete for jobs with men and earn good wages. In fact, Paul believed that protective legislation hurt women wage earners because some employers simply fired them rather than implement protections on working conditions that safeguarded women. Women were paid less than men, lost jobs requiring them to work late nights—often a prohibition under protective legislation—and had long been blocked from joining labor unions on par with men. She also believed that women should be treated under the law like men were and not as a class that required protection. To Paul, such protections were merely a form of entrenched "legalized inequality," a position shared by suffragist Harriot Stanton Blatch. To Paul, the ERA was the most efficient way to ensure legal equality. Paul expected women workers to rally behind the ERA; some did, many did not. While early on, there was hope among NWP members that they could craft a bill that would promote equality while also guaranteeing labor protection for women, to Paul, that was a contradiction. What's more, she was surprised when Florence Kelley, Ethel Smith, Jane Addams, and other suffragists parted with her and aligned with protective legislation.
While Paul continued to work with the NWP and even served as president again in the 1940s, she remained steadfastly committed to women's equality as her singular mission. Along with the ERA, Paul worked on behalf of similar efforts in state legislation and international contexts. She helped ensure that the United Nations proclamations include equality for women. She hoped that this would encourage the United States to follow suit. Paul worked to change laws that had altered the status of a woman's citizenship based on that of her husband's. In the U.S., women who married men from foreign countries lost their U.S. citizenship and were considered by the U.S. to be citizens of whatever country their husbands were from. To Paul, this was a violation of equal rights. As such, she successfully worked on behalf of the international Equal Nationality Treaty in 1933 and in the U.S. for the successful passage of the Equal Nationality Act in 1934, which let women retain their citizenship upon marriage. Just after the founding of the United Nations in 1945, Paul wanted to ensure that women's equality was a part of the organization's charter and that its Commission on Human Rights included a focus on women's equality in its Universal Declaration of Human Rights. She prevailed: the final version of the Declaration in 1948 opened with a reference to "equal rights of men and women".
The ERA was introduced in Congress in 1923 and had various peaks and valleys of support in the following years as Paul continued to push for its passage. There were favorable committee reports in Congress in the late 1930s, and with more women working in men's jobs during the war, public support for the ERA also increased. In 1946, the ERA passed by three votes in the Senate, not the majority needed for it to advance. Four years later, it would garner the Senate votes but fail in the House, thereby halting it from moving forward.
Paul was encouraged when women's movement activism gained steam in the 1960s and 1970s, which she hoped would spell victory for the ERA. When the bill finally passed Congress in 1972, Paul was unhappy about the changes in the wording of the ERA that now included time limits for securing its passage. Advocates argued that this compromise—the newly added seven-year deadline for ratification in the states—enabled the ERA's passage in Congress, but Paul accurately predicted that the inclusion of a time limit would ensure its defeat. In addition, this version put enforcement power in the hands of the federal government only; Paul's original and 1943 reworded versions required both states and the federal government to oversee its provisions. Paul's version was politically insightful and strategic: politicians who believed in states' rights, including many Southern states, were more likely to support an ERA that gave states some discretion of enforcement authority than a version that did not. Paul was proved correct: while the ERA did receive a three-year extension from Congress, it remained three states short of those needed for ratification.
States continued to attempt to ratify the ERA long after the deadline passed, including Nevada in 2017 and Illinois in 2018. In 2017 and again in 2019, the Senate and House introduced resolutions to remove the deadline from the ERA. These or similar measures, if passed, according to some experts, would make the amendment viable again, although other experts dispute it.
Paul became a Vegetarianism around the time of the suffrage campaign.
In 1974, Paul suffered a stroke and was placed in a nursing home under the guardianship of her nephew, who depleted her estate. News of her penniless state reached friends, and a fund for indigent Quakers quickly aided Paul. Paul died at the age of 92 on July 9, 1977, at the Greenleaf Extension Home a Quakers facility in Moorestown, New Jersey, less than a mile from her birthplace and childhood home. She is buried at Westfield Friends Burial Ground in Cinnaminson, New Jersey.Wilson, Scott. Resting Places: The Burial Sites of More Than 14,000 Famous Persons, 3d ed.: 2 (Kindle Locations 36467–36468). McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers. Kindle Edition Visitors frequently leave notes at her tombstone to thank her for her lifelong work on behalf of women's rights.
Her alma mater, Swarthmore College, named the Alice Paul Women's Center in her honor, a name in use from 1975 to the early 1990s. In 2004, Swarthmore opened the Alice Paul Residence Hall. Alice Paul Hall, Swarthmore College Montclair State University in New Jersey has also named a dormitory (Alice Paul Hall) in her honor. On April 12, 2016, President Barack Obama designated Sewall-Belmont House as the Belmont–Paul Women's Equality National Monument, named for Alice Paul and Alva Belmont. The University of Pennsylvania, her doctoral alma mater, maintains the Alice Paul Center for Research on Gender, Sexuality, and Women.
Two countries have honored her by issuing a postage stamp: Great Britain in 1981 and the United States in 1995. The U.S. stamp was the $0.78 Great Americans series.
Paul appeared on a United States half-ounce $10 gold coin in 2012 as part of the First Spouse Gold Coin Series. A provision in the Presidential $1 Coin Programsee directs that Presidential spouses be honored. As President Chester A. Arthur was a widower, Paul is shown representing "Arthur's era".Alice Paul is explicitly specified in The U.S. Treasury Department announced in 2016 that an image of Paul will appear on the back of a newly designed $10 bill along with Lucretia Mott, Sojourner Truth, Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and the 1913 Woman Suffrage Procession that Paul initiated and organized.
In 1987, a group of New Jersey women raised the money to purchase Paul's papers when they came up for auction so that an archive could be established. Her papers and memorabilia are now held by the Schlesinger Library at Harvard University, and the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C. In 1990, the same group, now the Alice Paul Institute, purchased the brick farmhouse, Paulsdale, in Mount Laurel, New Jersey, where Paul was born. Paulsdale is a National Historic Landmark and is on the New Jersey and National Registers of Historic Places. The Alice Paul Institute keeps her legacy alive with educational exhibits about her life, accomplishments, and advocacy for gender equality.
Hilary Swank played Paul in the 2004 film Iron Jawed Angels, which portrayed the 1910s women's suffrage movement for passage of the 19th Amendment. In 2018, Alice Paul was a central character in an episode of Timeless (Season 2, Episode 7) which alludes to Paul giving an impassioned speech to President Woodrow Wilson during a march that ends in police violence upon the suffragist marchers. According to history, Paul was at the event and was arrested, but there is no evidence that she spoke to Wilson on that day. In 2022, Suffs, a musical written by Shaina Taub, premiered at The Public Theater with Alice Paul as a main character.
On January 11, 2016, Google Doodle commemorated her 131st birthday.
Silent Sentinels
Prison, hunger strikes, and passage of Nineteenth Amendment
Post-Suffrage
Equal Rights Amendment
1964 Civil Rights Act
Views on abortion
Personal life and death
Legacy
See also
Further reading
External links
target="_blank" rel="nofollow"> Alice Paul at
target="_blank" rel="nofollow"> Lakewood Public Library: Women In History
target="_blank" rel="nofollow"> Biographical sketch at the University of Pennsylvania
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